Union Budget + Gaganyaan = Indian Space Station

The Union Budget 2021-22, presented by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman on February 1, has been a distinctive one for scientific research and development (R&D) for many reasons. It is the first budget of an extremely critical decade for the Indian economy; it is the first one after the COVID-19 global pandemic, and the first after the comprehensive Aatmanirbhar Bharat reforms instructed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's administration. 

In the brief intervention on science in her budget speech, the FM highlighted two high-priority megaprojects — the Indian Human Space Flight Programme (IHSFP) and the Deep Ocean Mission (DOM). The IHSFP is already in the advanced stages of progress, and as announced by the FM, the first uncrewed Gaganyaan boilerplate (space capsule) test will happen by December 2021. Another uncrewed test will follow the test before culminating in the first crewed mission, which can happen within a year or two. Likewise, the foremost actionable platform of the DOM will be the crewed and Samudrayaan Deep Submergence Vehicle (DSV) that can reach depths of about 6000 meters below sea level.

The demand for grants, expenditure budget and receipt budget differ considerably. But if one could calculate a rough estimate, the Indian government could pump around ₹15,000 crores in both these megaprojects over the next five years, with ₹4000 crores allocated to the Ministry of Earth Sciences for DOM in this budget. This is unprecedented, as the exploration of outer space and oceans has become one of India's largest priority R&D areas.

India is a late entrant into the human spaceflight club, 17 years after China’s People’s Liberation Army Astronaut Corps, 29 years after the first JAXA Astronauts Corps of Japan, 62 years after the United States’ NASA Mercury Seven, and 63 years after Russia’s Vostok programme. Similarly, India is nearly 50 years behind France and the United States, 35 years behind Russia and Japan and fifteen years behind China in DSV capabilities.

Science certainly is a fundamental constituent of both human spaceflight and deep ocean exploration, but the dynamics of these pursuits are determined by economics, security and long-range planning.

For instance, India has been allotted polymetallic nodule and polymetallic sulphide exploration licenses by the International Seabed Authority in the Central Indian Ocean Basin from 2016 to 2031. However, China has been more frequent than India in ocean-floor prospecting in the Indian Ocean, partly owing to its Jiaolong DSV that can go to depths of 6500 meters. Robotic capabilities on the ocean floor are extremely vital for a resource-based economy, defence, climate monitoring, and meteorology, and can lead to numerous spin-offs.

Similarly, in 2019, the United States ferried astronauts to the International Space Station (ISS) on privately-owned SpaceX’s launch vehicle, the SpaceX Falcon-Heavy and human-rated space capsule, the SpaceX Crew Dragon. The US made private sector involvement possible through policy interventions like the Commercial Orbital Transportation Services (COTS) for launch vehicle services, Commercial Resupply Services (CRS) for logistics, and Commercial Crew Program (CCP) for human transportation to the ISS. In December 2020, NASA, the European Space Agency, and other space agencies participating in the US-led Artemis Accords signed an agreement to construct the first human-rated space station jointly, termed the Gateway, in the Moon’s orbit. The Russian and Chinese human spaceflight programmes are proven, and their space station plans are in place. The Chinese will begin constructing their modular space station later in 2021. It is certain that such space stations will not only be fountainheads of numerous spin-off technologies but also become commercial platforms for highly advanced industries, low-volume manufacturing, high-end commercial experimentation and testing, and commercial services.

Owing to the growing global geopolitical multipolarity, the space stations will be highly competitive assets of nations operating them. China will certainly use its space station as a diplomatic contraption and attract countries and companies aligned with its aggressive geopolitical goals. China has formed ties with the United Nations Office of Outer Space Affairs to solicit proposals and has successfully attracted experiments from Indian academic institutions to be conducted on their space station.

India is an ancient civilisation that has seen cycles of crest and trough. In the last millennium, we have lost the gumption for exploration. The last exploratory sovereign was the Chola Empire, and since then, we have only turned inward to fend off external threats. On the other hand, Europe began exploring during the Age of Enlightenment. The US began exploring after the Monroe Doctrine, and likewise, China has now begun exploring after the fructification of the Beijing Consensus. If India is to grow, it needs to begin exploring the planet and outer space. These two efforts will yield tremendous socio-economic benefits and augment India’s comprehensive security architecture. To that end, any investment in Gaganyaan or Samudrayaan should not be deemed as vanity; it is metastrategic.

The original piece was published in the February 2021 edition of Science India.